Duke  University  Libraries 

Message  of  His 
Conf  Pam  12mo  #228 


-MESSAGE 


^ 


OF 


j  HIS  EXCELLENCY,  JOSEPH  E.  BROWN,  I 


TO  THK 


GENERAL  ASSEMBLY, 


CONVENED    IN    THE    CAPITOL    BY   HIS 


T»r8.0>0Xj.^Tl«:.A.'T'IO3!^, 


MaKCII  2-5X11,  ISG:]. 


! 


."^ 


BOUGUTON,   NISBKT   &.  BARNES,  State  Pi:inti:ki. 

.MILLKDOEVILI,E,     GA. 

1S63. 


PERKINS  LIBRARY 

UuUe   University 


Kare  Dooka 


THE  FLOWERS  COLLECTION 

MESSAGE. 


EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT,  > 
MiLI.EDGEVILLE,  Marcii  25th,   lS68v      i 

To  tht  Se)iafr  and  House  of'  Rpprcscntalivci : 

I  have  felt  it  my  duty  to  convene  you  at  an  earlier  day 
than  that  fixed  for  your  meeting,  when  you  adjourned. 

In  the  midst  of  a  revolution  of  such  vast  magnitude  as 
that  in  which  we  are  engaged,  the  constant  change  in  the 
circumstances  by  which  we  are  surrounded,  must  frequently 
influence  our  actions,  and  develop  suthcient  reasons  for  a 
change  of  our  opinions,  or  our  policy.  In  December  last, 
we  passed  an  act  prohibiting  the  cultivation  of  more  than 
three  acres  of  cotton  to  the  hand  this  year,  which  vit'tually 
legalizes  and  invites  its  production  to  that  extent.  1  am 
now  fully  satisfied,  if  the  quantity  of  land  mentioned  in 
that  act,  is  planted  in  Georgia  and  each  of  the  other  cot- 
ton States,  the  result  will  be,  our  subjugation  by  hunger, 
and  tlie  utter  ruin  of  the  Confederacy.  Hence-,  I  have  felt 
it  m}'  duty,  before  the  crop  is  planted,  to  call  you  together, 
and  recommend  the  passage  of  an  act,  that  will  make  it 
highly  penal,  for  any  one  to  cultivate  exceeding  one  fourth 
of  an  arre  to  the  hand.  The  eneniy  has  overrun,  and  now 
holds  a  large  part  of  the'most  productive  lands  in  the  Con- 
federacy. As  our  limits  are  circumscribed  and  contracfed, 
niatiy  of  the  loyal  people  of  the  sections  in  the  possession 
of  the  enemy  retire  to  the  interior,  and  the  number  of  per- 
sons to  be  supported  from  the  products  of  the  lands  in 
our  possession,  is  greatly  increased,  while  the  area  of  pro- 
ductive lands  from  which  the  support  must  come,  is  almost 
daily  diminished,  ^fost  of  the  wiiite  laborers  of  the  coun- 
try, are  now  in  the  army,  and  new  levies  are  constantly  be- 
ing made  from  those  who  remain.  As  these  enter  the  mil- 
itary service,  our  fields  are  lelt  uncultivated,  while  the  wo- 
men and  children  are  still  in  our  midst,  and  must  be  sup- 
ported. The  result  is,  that  the  country  and  the  army  are 
mainly  dependent  upon  slave  labor  for  a  support.  At  the 
present  prices  of  all  the  necessaries  of  life,  it  is  impossible 
for  the  women  and  children  to  support  themselves.  In  mv 
■opinion,  it  will  take  every  acre  of  land,  and  every  days' 
productive  labor  which  we  can  command  this  year,  to  make 

P67839 


OUT  uoccRsarv  support ;  and  lio  who  ♦'iniiloys  any  portion  of 
his  lands  and  labor,  in  llie  production  ot  cotton,  tobacco,  or 
any  other  products  that  \rill  not  sustain  life,  to  that  extent, 
tMu'langer**  llu*  success  of  our  cau.se.  The  present  prices  of 
cotton  nuike  the  tiMuptation  to  plant  it  very  strong,  and 
the  planter  will  (piiet  his  conscience  by  the  reflection,  that 
the  legislature  has  authorized  him  to  plant  three  acres  to  the 
liand,  and  will  plant  iiis  best  land,  place  all  his  manure  up- 
on it,  and  make  it  the  object  of  his  special  care  and  atten- 
tion. There  is  now  cotton  enotigh  !■  the  Confederacy,  to 
clothe  our  people  for  several  y«'ars,  an«l  there  is  no  reas(»u 
why  we  shoiihi  plant  more  than  is  actually  necessary  to  keep 
seed.  It  may  be  »aid,  that  the  planter  can  make  more 
money  out  ot  cotton  than  grain  and  vegetables.  This  is 
very  questionable.  ]Uit  if  we  admit  that  he  can  uiuke 
double  as  much,  this  is  no  re;i>.ou  w  by  he  shouhl  be  permit- 
ted to  do  it^  if  by  so  doing,  ho  hazards-  the  very  e.vistcucc 
of  the  States.  What  will  his  money,  or  his  cotton,  or  his 
slaves,  or  his  lands,  be  worth  to  hitn,  if  we  are  subjugated, 
and  the  civil  and  religious  liberties,  of  himself  and  ids  pos- 
terity are  destroyed  Y 

As  the  war  is  now  prosecuted  by  the  Liiicoln  govermaent» 
for  the  avowed  purpose  of  aboli.'^bing  slavery,  no  dassof 
our  people  has  so  much  at  stake,  as  our  slaveholders,  who 
are  generally  our  chief  [>lanters.  They  are  depeudeut  up- 
on our  white  laborers  in  the  jield  ol"  batlle,  for  the  protec- 
tion of  their  property  ;  and  in  turn,  this  army  of  white  la- 
borers and  their  families,  are  dependent  uj)on  the  slave  ow- 
ners for  a  support,  while  thus  engaged.  The  obligation  is 
mutual  and  reciprocal,  and  neither  party  has  the  right  to 
tlisregard  it. 

The  conduct  of  our  [dauters  last  year  was  niosi  patriotic 
and  praiseworthy,  and  has  saved  our  cause  for  the  present, 
but  the  temptations  held  out  to  the  avaricious,  are  much 
greater  this  year,  owing  to  the  high  prices  of  cotton  in  the 
market;  and  I  consider  legishition  absoiutely  necessary,  to 
restrain  those  who  would  hazard  all  forgaiu.  As  it  is  now  time 
to  commence  planting,  I  iuvoke  your  early  attention  to  this 
(juostion,  in  mv  opinion,  second  in  importance  to  no  other 
that  is  likely  to  come  under  your  considerai ion.  At  the 
present  time,  money  will  nol.buy  bread,  hi  a  large  sectiou 
of  our  own  State,  at  any  re.isonuble  price.  This  is  caused, 
partly  by  the  severe  drought  of  last  summer,  but  is  proba- 
bly, owing  in  a  greater  degree,  to  the  fact,  that  the  lands  in 
^hiit  section  of  the  .State,  are  cultivated  aliuost  entirely  by 
whit(!  labor,  and  most  of  tli;it  labor  being  now  in  the  army, 
the  lands  lie  idle,  and  the  women  and  children  are  destitute 
of  bread.  But  for  the  large  surplus,  in  the  cottou  region, 
scenes  of  suflcring  must  ensue,  which  would  be  appaling  to 
contemplate,  and   which    must   demoralize,    if  not  disband 


that  part  of  the  army,  where  the  husbands  and  fathers  of 
the  sufferers,  stand  as  a  bulvA'ark,  between  us  and  the  enemy. 
Let  not  the  people  of  the  cotton  sections  of  the  State,  where 
there  is  labor  to  cultivate  all  the  lands,  risk  the  chances  of 
similar,  or  worse  distress  another  year,  lest  consequences 
ensue,  which  may  cost  tiieni,  not  only  their  cotton  crops,  but 
fill  that  they  Iiave,  and  all  that  they  expect  to  have  in  future. 
We  can  never  be  con(|u<Med  by  the  arms  of  the  enemy.  We 
may  be  by  hunger,  if  we  neglect  to  husband  all  tbe  resour- 
ces for  the  supply  of  provisions,  which  a  kind  Providence 
has  placed  within  our  reach.  Attempt  to  conceal  it  as  we 
may,  the  fact  is  undeniable,  that  the  great  question  in  this 
revolution  is  now  a  (juestion  of  bread.  The  army  must  be 
fed  and  their  j'amilies  at  home  supported,  or  the  sun  of  lib- 
erty will  soon  set  in  darkness  and  blood,  and  the  voice  of 
freedom  will  be  forever  hushed  in  the  silence  of  despotism. 

THE  LAW  AGAINST  DISTILI-EKIKS. 

Experience  has  shown  that  the  law  against  the  distillation 
of  grain  into  ardent  spirits,  needs  amendment.  From  in- 
formation received  from  different  parts  of  the  State,  I  am 
satisfied  that  a  large  portion  of  the  potatoe  crop,  most  of 
the  dried  fruit,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of  the  molasses 
in  the  State,  have  been,  and  are  being  distilled.  Under 
pretence  of  distilliug  these  articles,  it  is  also  said,  that 
quantities  of  corn  are  being  .used  by  distillers,  who  keep 
their  doors  closed,  and  refuse  to  admit  visitors  who  might 
testify  against  tliem.  In  other  sections,  it  is  said,  they  are 
runiiing  their  stills,  in  open  violation  of  the  law,  and  no  one 
has  the  nerve  to  withstand  and  prosecute  them.  To  arrest 
these  evils,  I  recommend  that  the  law  be  so  changed,  as  to 
make  it  highly  penal  during  the  war,  for  any  one,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  present  prohibition,  to  distil  potatoes,  drimi  fruit, 
or  molasses,  without  a  license.  And  that  every  person  who 
keeps  his  distillery  locked,  and  refuses  to  admit  visitors,  day 
or  night,  whew  admission  is  asked,  shall  be  held  irrhna  facir 
guilty  of  a  violation  of  the  law.  And,  that  every  person 
who  runs  his  distillery  without  a  license,  shall  be  presuined 
to  be  guilty  of  distilling  grain,  or  other  article  prohibited, 
and  the  burden  of  proof  shall  rest  upon  him,  to  show  the 
contrary. 

The  lav-.- should  also  make  the  owner  of  the  distillery  lia- 
ble to  the  penalties,  if  his  stills  are  run  by  an  insolvent  per- 
son. And  it  should  be  made  the  duty  of  the  Sheriff"  of  the 
county,  to  call  to  his  aid,  all  the  force  necessary,  and  des- 
troy any  distilleiy  which  is  run  in  violation  of  law,  as  he 
would  abate  any  other    nuisance. 

It  has  been  impossible  for  the  Inferior  Courts  of  some, 
of  the  counties,  under  my  instructions,  to  find  a  per- 
son  who    will    take    the   contract   to    make    the    quan- 


lity  of  spirituous  liquors  or  alcohol  necessary  lor  me- 
tlicinal  uses,  at  the  prices  fixed  by  the  statue.  Aud 
us  it  is  ft  violation  ol  the  law,  for  a  person  distilling 
under  a  license,  to  sell  for  more  than  the  prices  fixed  by  the 
statute,  I  reconuneiid  such  chanjje,  as  will  authori/e  the 
lowest  respoiisihltj  bidder  to  bo  licensed,  at  such  price,  aa 
may  be  agreed  t»n  between  hini  and  the  (Jourt,  fur  the  sup- 
ply necessary  for  the  eouniy  :  the  quantity  recuuiniendcJ 
by  the  Court,  to  be  subject  to  the  ;sp[iroval  of  the  Gov- 
crnoi",  before  he  issues  the  license. 

TKAXSl'OKTATIOX  OF  I'KOVlSlONfj. 

►So  great  is  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  in  the  L'herokec 
Country,  that  it  is  impossible  to  subsist  the  soldiers  fumilieu 
and  the  jioor  much  longer,  without  the  transjtortation  oi" 
corn  from  South  A\'estern  Ocorgiii.  Tiic  rolling  stock  uj»on 
the  .South  Western,  and  the  Macon  ;ind 'Western  Ilailroads, 
is  not  suHiciout  to  carry  forward  the  corn,  and  to  do  the 
work  re«|uired  by  the  Confederate  Government.  JSurroun- 
detl  by  these  diflieulties,  I  have  thought  it  best,  to  direct 
the  Superintendent  of  the  State  Road,  to  put  one  ot"  his 
best  trains  upon  tin;  Roads  to  South  Western  Georgia,  for 
the  transportation  of  corn  to  supply  bread  to  those  who 
must  otherwise  suffer.  1  shall  be  obliged  to  contiiujo  thia 
policy  till  the  emergtuicy  is  passed,  though  I  may  not  be 
able  to  carry  over  the  Slate  Roacl,  all  (Joveruuu^nt  Irtuglit 
oHered,  as  promptly  as  1  could  wish.  1  ieel  it  to  be  my 
liighest  duty,  t(»  so  use  the  property  of  tiu'.  State,  as  to  pre- 
vent if  possible,  sutlering,  on  the  part  of  the  poor,  or  tho 
families  o("  soldiers,  fur  want  of  bread. 

SALARIES. 

1  earnestly  recommend  the  passage  of  an  act  repealing 
the  act  of  2Sth  November,  ISGI,  entitled  "An  Act  to  fix 
the  salaries  and  coni|)(Misation  of  certnin  oflicers  mentioned 
therein,  and  for  other  purposes  f  and  that  reasonable  .sala- 
ries be  allowed. 

It  now  lakes  the  whole  salary  of  a  Judge  of  the  Superior 
Courts  for  twelve  months  to  purchase  fifteen  barrels  of  tlour, 
or  fifteen  hundred  jjounds  of  bacon  in  the  markets  of  this 
State.  The  j>er  diem  j)ay  (»f  a  Judge  while  on  his  circuit 
does  not  nearly  delVay  his  necessary  traveling  ex|)enses.  Is 
this  right  V  Can  any  intelligent  legislator  claim,  that  it  is 
compatible  with  either  the  justice  or  the  dignity  of  a  great 
State  ? 

The  Constitution  of  Georgia,  whicji  we  are  bound  by  sol- 
<>mn  obligation  to  sup]>ort,  says,  "  The  Judges  shall  iiave 
salaries  a(le(piate  to  their  services  fixed  by  law."  Are  tiie 
present  salaries  of  the  Judges,  or  other  oflicers  of  the  State, 
oi/rytffl/e  to  their  services  y     The   question,  to  my   mind,  is 


too  plain  for  argument.     I  trust  it  is  only  necessary  agait 
to  bring  it  to  your  nltention,  to  secure  prompt  action, 

TIIK    NEW    CODE. 

The  Code  of  this  State  having  gone  into  operation  on  (he 
first  (lay  of  .lunnary  last,  it  is  a  matter  of  great  importJincv 
that  the  public  otticers  be  supplied  with  copies  of  it,  tivm 
they  and  the  people  may  have  an  opportunity  of  leiirarn*; 
what  the  law  is.  It  is  not  in  my  power  to  supply  cop«i^ 
to  even  a  consider;ible  proportion  of  those  who  are  entitlo<f. 
to  them,  on  account  of  the  neglect  of  ]\Ir.  John  11.  Se&k 
the  printer,  to  coniply  with  his  contract.  Since  the<e^a- 
tract  was  entered  into  by  him,  he  has  rei)resented  tQ  ik^. 
(.General  Assembly  his  inability  to  comply  wilh  iiis  obligsL- 
tion  without  additional  (compensation,  and  live  thou.ssiM 
dollars  of  e.\ti"a  pyy  has  been  allowed  him.  He  has  iteez: 
paid  the  full  amount  agreed  upon  by  tlie  original  coiitmyiX 
for  file  whole  job,  and  one-half  of  the  extra  amount -apppi^. 
printed.  After  this  had  been  done,  he  still  failed  to  CGin[«{r 
with  the  contract,  Jiileging  that  he  could  not  uvc 
leather  to  make  the  l^indiug.  To  relieve  him  from  this<ir'- 
iiculty,  at  your  session  in  November  and  December  last,  5'ori. 
authorized  the  Governor  to  receive  the  books  bound  iit  *.& 
inferior  style.  Since  this  action  on  your  part,  he  has  iiof, 
tlelivcred  a  single  cojiy,  and  no  assurance  is  given  whei.  ihe. 
l>ooks  will  ))(^  delivered.  1  have  reasons  to  believe  thui.  Mi". 
iSeals  lias  sold  a  considerable  number  of  copies  to  imiividB- 
als  or  to  tjic  trade.  I  call  your  attention  to  this  subjexa., 
and  rccommend'such  action  on  your  part  as  may  be  neces- 
sary to  compel  performance  on  his  part,  or  to  take  ih^ 
]>rinted  sheets  out  of  his  iia!id;s,  and  have  them  bound  hw 
others,  at  las  expense. 

>MALL     I 'OX. 

The  physicians'  bills  sent  to  this  Department  by  the  Tc- 
ferior  Courts  of  many  of  the  counties,  lor  attention  to  per- 
sons afflicted  with  small  pox,  have,  in  my  opinion,  boea  si; 
exorbitant  that  I  have  refused  to  pay  them.  There  are 
several  instances  of  physicians  who  have  made  out  bilU: 
against  the  State  for  one  or  two  months'  attention  to  snai^ 
pox  cases,  amounting  to  larger  sums  than  they  would,  1  s?ijv 
]>ose,  be  able  to  make  by  one  or  two  years'  practice,  i  re- 
spectfully  ask  that  I  he  law  be  so  amended  as  to  estabiJ:^.^ 
some  just  rule  by  which  i  am  to  be  governed  in  tlie  piy- 
inent  of  these  claims.  The  act  only  makes  provision  for 
the  payment  by  the  State  of  the  expenses  incurred  at  bo*- 
])StaIs  (.istal)lished  by  the  Inferior  Courts  of  the  differeet 
cKJunties.  Many  of  the  Courts  have  established  iw  h&sj>.i- 
t-als,  and  have  had  the  cases  treated  at  the  houses  of  tiie 
afflicted,  in  dift'erent  parts  of  the  county.  It  is  desiraUW 
that  the  will  of  the  Legislature  be  n^ore  clearly  expraa:i>t»4i 


8 

m  refercnrc  to  cases  of  this  rliaractcr.  Wliilo  I  do  not 
think  that  stronger  reasons  exist  why  the  State  should  pay 
the  physicians'  bills  and  other  expenses  incurred  by  atten- 
lion  to  persons  who  have  small  pox.  juid  ;ire  treated  at  home, 
when  they  are  themselves  abl«'  to  j>ay,  lluin  incases  ol  other 
coiilaqeoiis  fliseases  of  a  malignant  cliara<-,ter,  it  nniy  be 
proper  that  such  payments  be  mad(^  by  the  State,  when  the 
persons  alilictcd  are  unable  to  pay,  and  might  otherwise  be 
neglected  on  account  of  their  ])overty. 

IJkirWKS.SMKNT  OF  NKCMJOK.S. 

Ir  will   be    remembered,  that  lirigadier   General  Mercer 

nnade  a  re(|uisiti(»n  upon  tlie  State,  while  yon  were  last  in 
session,  for  twenty-fiv«'  hundred  negroes,  for  sixty  days,  to 
work  on  the  fortiiications  around  Savannah,  and  that  the 
Governor  was  authorized,  by  the  action  of  the  (Jeneral  As- 
sembly, to  lill  the  r«'(|nisition.  A  call  was  afterwards  made 
by  authority  of"  (iein-ral  I'eanregiird,  for  three  hundred  ne- 
groes to  work  on  the  obstrnctions  (>f  tlio  Ahanialia  lliver, 
whieh  requisition  was  also  filled. 

Many  of  the  negroes  sent  to  Savannaii.  liii\<'  nol  \c\  been 
ilischiirged,  Ix'cause,  in  th*^  oninion  of  the  military  author- 
ties  there,  the  emergency  was  such  as  to  make  it  a  milita- 
ry necessity  to  retain  them.  New  and  a«lditional  fortifica- 
rions  have  b«'en  projected,  and  no  one  seems  to  know  when 
thev  will  be  completed.  It  is  now  retjuired,  that  the  ne- 
groi's  remain  ninety  dnys  longer;  or,  if  they  are  discharged, 
T,hat  their  phices  be    sii))pIijMl  immediiitely  by  a  new  levy. 

The  upj»er  and  western  portions  of  the  State,  have  not 
yet  furnislied  their  quota.  If  a  new  impressment  is  made, 
as  the  law  n<»w  stands,  it  mnst  be  from  these  sections.  The 
warm  season  is  commencing,  and  the  negroes  from  these 
parts  of  the  State,  are  not  accustomed  to  the  climafc  of 
Savannah.  Much  si<'kness,  and  many  deaths  must  there- 
lore  be  expected  among  them.  Again,  the  crop  is  now  be- 
ing planted,  and  it  is  a  matter  of  great  importance,  that 
;is  little  labor  as  possible  b»'  taken  iVoii;  tlu'  ngriciiltural 
pursuits  of  the  State. 

i\)  this  state  of  the  case,  I  rcspeclfuily  ;isk,  that  the  (Jen- 
oral  Assembly,  by  joint  resolution,  or  otherwise,  give  di- 
-•ectionK,  at  as  early  a  day  as  possible,  as  to  tlw  best  Uiode 
uf  furnishing  tin;  "labor  to  comjdete  the  fortifications.  It 
\vill  also  be  proper  that  some  just  mode  of  ascertaining  tlu> 
i'alne,  and  c(Mn])ensatitig  the  owners  for  the  negroes  wiio 
liave  <lied  in  the  service,  and  the  still  larger  number  who 
inay  dii!  (hiiing  the  snnnner  season,  be  prescribed  by  law. 

MII>ITAIiV    LAW. 

Section  iOiO  of  the  Code  provides,  that  all  elections  for 
Tnilitia  olticers,  of  and  above  the  rard\  of  Captain,  siiali  be 
crdered  bv  the  Conunander-in-Chief. 


Tliis  will  cause  a  great  accumulation  of  labor  in  the  Ex- 
ecutive Department,  with  much  unnecessary  delay^ind  ex- 
pense. I  tlierefbre  recommend  that' the  old  rule  be  re-es- 
tablishi'd,  and  that  all  vacancies  below  the  cfrade  of  Gen- 
*!ral,  be  tilled  by  election  ordered  by  the  ofticernext  hi,Q,hest  in 
command,  except  in  case  of  lieutenants,  whose  elections 
should  be  ordered  b}'  the  Captain,  as  prescribed  by  Act  of 
nth  February,  I  Sod. 

I  also  recomnitnid  the  repeal  of  sections  !)S(>,  .0S7,  OSS, 
•^89,  900,  90-2  jind  90;},  of  the  Code,  whicii  provide  for  the 
payment  of  a  commutation  tax  in  lieu  of  military  service, 
as  wholly  inapplicable  to  the  present  condition  of  the 
country.  The  Comptroller  General,  by  my  direction,  has 
left  tije  columns  relating  to  this  commutation  tax,  out  of 
the  Receivers'  Diu;est,  till  vou  shall  have  considered  the 
question. 

RIGHTS    OF    THE    CHURCHES. 

I  recommend  the  repeal  of  section  1370  of  the  Code, 
Avhich  prohibits  "any  church,  society,- or  other  body,  or 
any  persons,  to  grant  license  or  other  authority,  to  any 
slave  or  free  person  of  color,  to  preach  or  exhort,  or  other- 
wise oliiciate  in  church  matters."  I  entertain  no  doubt, 
that  negroes  are  sometimes  very  useful  among  their  own 
people  as  preachers  or  exhorters.  This  is  a  cpiestion  of 
which  the  church  of  the  living  God,  and  not  the  legislature 
of  a  State,-  is  the  proper  judge.  The  loyal  support  which 
the  churches  of  all  religious  denominations  have  given  to 
the  Conf(.'derate  and  State  Governments,  and  the  aid  which 
they  have  atlbrded-  the  government,  in  the  maintenance  of 
our  slavery  institutions,  have  demonstrated,  that  they  un- 
derstand this  question,  and  may  safely  be  trusted.  The 
legislature  under  pretence  ot  police  regulation  or  other- 
wise, tlierefore,  has  no  right  to  infringe  upon  religious 
liberty,  or  usurp  the  power  which  belongs  to  the  churches. 
Render  to  Cccsar  the  things  that  are  Ca'sar's,  and  to  God 
the  things  that  are  God's,  is  an  injunction  which  the  State 
}jas  no  right  to  disregard, 

STATE    KXnoliSKMENT    OF    CONFEDERATE    DEBT. 

I  transmit  herewith  copies  of  resolutions,  passed  by  the 
legislatures  of  of  the  Staters  of  Alabama,  South  Carolina, 
Mississippi  and  Florida,  proposing,  upon  dilTerent  plans, 
the  indorsement  of  the  debt  of  the  Confederacy  by  the 
States.  No  one  can  doubt  the  patriotic  motives  which 
have  pronqited  this  action  of  our  sister  States.  But  as 
this  is  a  ({uestion  of  great  magnitude,  involving  important 
princijdfs,  and  as  our  action  in  the  premises,  must  be  fol- 
lowed by  consequences  seriously  affecting  the  credit  of  the 
State,  present  and  prospective,  it  is  our  duty  to  examine  it 


10 

for  ourgelves,  and  not  to  be  controlled  by  the  decision  and 
action  of  others. 

If  the  proposed  eiidorsenu'iit  will  have  the  effect  of  ar- 
raying the  capital  of  the  country  against  the  Conlederacy. 
and  in  favor  of  a  reeonstrnction  of  the  old  Union,  however 
laudable  the  motive,  the  net  W(»uld   be   most  nnlortunate. 

Again,  if  the  eflect  will  be  to  level  the  credit  of  all  the 
States  to  an  e(|uality,  without  n\gard  to  the  manner  in 
which  they  have  manag«'d  their  hnancial  afiairs,  or  the 
amount  ol"  debt  now  owed  by  each,  it  would  be  gross  in- 
justice to  those  iStates  which  have  coii<liieted  their  aliairs 
so  well  as  to  incur  but  little  debt,  ami  iiave  maintained 
their  credit  at  the  highest  }»oint. 

Furthermore,  if  the  indorsement  of  the  Confederate 
debt,  by  the  States,  can  only  be  jHoduetive  of  temporary 
appreeiiition  of  Confc'lerate  credit,  v.ithout  permanent  beii- 
cfit,  and  must  be  follo\\ed  by  serious  injury  to  the  credit 
of  the  States,  the  i)olicy  is  unwise,  and  should  not  be 
adopted. 

Let  us  consider  wJK'ther  these  would  not  be  the  legiti- 
mate ellects  of  the  proposed  endorsement. 

At  present,  almost  every  capitalist  in  the  country,  Is 
the  creditor  of  t!ie  Confe<lerate  Govrrnment,  and  is  direct- 
ly interested  in  maintaining  its  existence,  and  sustaining  it>^ 
credit.  I  spealc  not  of  individuals,  but  ca})ital  is  gem'ral- 
'.y  selfish,  and  controlled  more  by  interest  than  patriotism. 
When  we  have  ascertained  what  will  be  the  interest  of 
cai>italists  we  may  generally  have  but  little  difficulty  in 
determining    what  will  be   theiractiuji. 

Si»i)jiose  the  whole  debt  of  the  Confederacy  to  liave 
reached  one;  billion  of  dollars,  as  it  probably  will  have 
done  by  the  time  the  States  have  all  acted  upon  this  pro- 
i>osition.  It  is  not  probable  that  capitalists,  as  a  matter 
of  choice,  would  prefer  to  credit  our  government  with  a 
larger  debt  than  this  hanging  over  it.  J'ut  having  already, 
invested  this  enormous  sum,  if  they  feel  that  tl.eir  only 
hoj)e  of  [)ayment  rests  upon  the  success,  and  permanent 
establishment,  of  the  (confederacy,  and  it  becomes  necessa- 
ry to  invest  another  billion  to  establish  the  Government 
aiul  avoid  tiie  loss  of  the  sum  already  investtnl,  interest 
will  prom[»t  them  to  stand  by  the  government,  sustain  its 
credit,  and  make  further  advance  if  they  have  the  means. 
Rut  suppose  at  this  period,  all  the  States  indorst^  the  whole 
d«;bt,  or  each  indorses  its  proportion  of  it,  what  eflect  will 
this  have  upon  the  mind  of  the  capitalist?  If  prior  to  the 
act,  he  looked  only  to  the  ( •onfederacy  for  payment,  and 
Jiaving  now  obtained  the  legal,  as  well  as  moral  obligation 
of  the  individual  States  to  j>ay,  he  is  satisfied  that  tliis  se- 
cureii  the  debt,  his  interest  in  the  permanent  success  of  the 
Confederacy  ceases,  and  he  looks  in  future  to  the  States  for 


11 

payment.  If  after  this,  tlie  old  Union  should  be  recon- 
structed, and  the  States  of  our  Confederacy  should  return, 
and  become  members  of  it,  the  capitalist  is  not  left  to  look 
to  a  Confederacy  no  Ioniser  in  existence,  for  payment,  nor 
to  rely  on  the  moral  obligation  of  the  States,  to  assume 
and  pay  the  debt,  but  he  rests  upon  the  solemn  legal  in- 
dorsement of  the  individual  States,  which  would  be  as 
binding  upon  them,  in  one-  Confederacy  as  in  another. — 
The  capitalists  having  thus  obtained  ihe  solemn  indorse- 
ment of  the  States,  for  a  sum  as  large  as  they  could  reason- 
ably be  expected  to  pay,  would  naturally  desire  to  prevent 
an  increased  liability,  on  the  part  of  iheir  debtors,  the 
States,  which  would  weaken  their  ability  to  pay,  and  might 
in  future,  cause  the  people  to  throw  off  the  whole  burden, 
on  account  of  its  accumulated  weight.  Knowing,  in  other 
words,  that  it  is  possible  to  increase  debt  to  an  amount  so 
onerous,  as  to  drive  a  people  to  repudiation,  they  might 
prefer  to  take  their  chances  of  payment  of  one  billion  of 
dollars  of  Sfyifr  debt,  in  the  old  Couf(!deracy,  rather  than  of 
two  billions  in  the  new.  Hence  it  v>-onld  be  their  interest 
to  oppose  ilie  appropriation  of  the  second  billion  of  dollars, 
to  prosecute  the  war  for  the  establishment  of  the  Confed- 
eracy, and  to  advocate  a  reconstruction  for  the'  purpose  ot 
securing  an  early  peace,  and  of  stopping  further  expendi- 
ture, that  they  may  s;ive  what  is  aheady  owing  to  them. 

The  rivers  of  blood  which  have  been  drawn  from  the 
veins  of  our  fathers,  brothers,  husbands,  sons  and  other  rel- 
atives by  the  hands  of  our  cruel  enemies,  form  an  impassa- 
ble gulf  between  us  and  our  wicked  invaders.  How  can 
we  agam  shake  hands  with  them  over  the  slain  bodies  of 
our  loved  ones,  and  again  embrace  them  in  fraternal  rela- 
tions? AVere  Georgians  to  do  this,"  the  blood  of  their 
brethren,  who  have  fallen  martyrs  to  our  glorious  cause 
would  cry  to  them  from  the  ground,  and  lebuke  the  das- 
tardly deed.  Sooner  than  reunite  with  those  now  seeking 
to  enslave  us,  and  under  the  name  of  Union  with  thoiu, 
become,  with  our  posterity,  hewers  of  Vv'ood  and  drawers 
of  water  for  them,  let  us  submit,  with  more  than  Roman 
firmness,  to  the  devastation  of  our  iieids,  and,  if  .need  be, 
th«'  extermination  of  our  race,  lint  let  us  do»  no  act  has- 
tily, which,  however  patriotic  the  motive,  may  tend  to  ar- 
ray a  powerful  class  in  our  midst  against  the  Confederate 
Government.  While  Georgia  with  the  dignity  ot  a  great 
State,  should  firndy  maintain  her  reserved  rights,  and  if 
need  be,  restrain  the  Confederate  Government  within  th(^ 
limits  assigned  it  by  tiie  constitutional  compact  to  wliich 
^he  is  a  party,  she  should  stand  by  it,  confined  within  its 
constitutional  limits,  with  an  unyielding  determination  to 
Hiustain  it  at  every  hazard,  as  v^'ell  against  injuries  inflicted 
by  the  injudicious  action    of  imprudent  friends,    as  against 


1:2 

"the  thrusts  of  domestic  enemies,  or  the  herciile^ui  assaults 
of  foreiirn  foes.  The  future  happiness  of  her  posterity  is 
firmly  linkt-d  with  the  Conft'deraey.  Tiiousands  of  her 
sonH  have  nobly  immolated  their  lives  upon  its  altars,  and 
the  tens  of  thousands  who  survive  should  see  to  it  that  no 
rude  hand  is  uplifted  against  it,  that  no  false  policy  under- 
mines its  foundations,  and  tliat  no  usurpers  destroy  the 
IxNTutiful  symmetry  of  its  niaiinifieent  sirucLure. 

We  slionld  not  only  sustain  the  C<»nf<derary  at  all  hazards. 
l)ut  we  should  also  sustain  the  administration.  We  may 
difler  from  it  on  constitutional  questions,  or  questions  ot 
policy.  Sucli  is  the  nature  of  the  human  min<l,  and  such 
the  variety  of  liuinau  intellect,  that  no  two  lionest  men 
\ver«'  ever  full;,'  agreed  in  every  sentiment.  As  lont;  as 
freedom  of  thought  and  freedom  of  spee<'h  exist,  we  should 
have  the  independence  to  express  our  dissent  from  what  we 
consider  the  errors  of  our  luiers,  and  they  should  have  the 
magnanimity  to  tolerate  the  difftreiice.  I5ut  while  we 
contend  earnestly  lor  what  we  considiM*  sound  principles 
we  should  do  no  act  which  can  seriously  embarrass  the  ad- 
ministration in  the  prosecution  of  the  war.  In  my  judg- 
ment the  proposed  indorsenu'nt  would,  in  the  «'n<l,  array 
41  class  of  capitalists  against  the  rjovernnient  which  would 
amount  to  serious  embarrns.sment. 

Again,  it  cannot  be  denied,  that  some  of  the  States  have 
managed  their  financial  affairs  better  than  others.  Some 
have  submitted  to  the  necessary  burdens  of  taxation,  and 
)i]€t  their  liabilities  as  they  were  incurred,  while  others  have 
added  much  of  them  to  their  debts.  Hence,  the  debts  of 
some  are  much  larger,  -in  proportion  to  their  resources,  than 
the  debts  of  others.  Tin;  <onse<|uetico  is,  that  the  credit  of 
the  State  that  lias  the  greutc^t  n'suun-es  and  the  least  debt 
■  is  worth  most  in  the  market.  IJut,  suppose  all  t\\c  States 
indorse  the  immense  debt  of  the  Confederacy,  what  is  th(> 
result?  As  each  State  has  its  own  individmil  indebtedtu'ss, 
and  would  then 'have  assumed  a  legal  liability  tor  the  debt 
of  the  Confederacy,  the  credit  ot  each  State  is  at  once 
placed  below  tlie  credit  ol"  the  Confederacy;  and  as  each 
would  then  be  liable  for  as  much  as  it  couhl  reasonably 
be  expected  ever  to  pay,  the  credit  of  the  respective  States 
would  be  placed,  not  only  at  a  low  point,  but  very  nearly 
upon  a  level  with  each  other.  This  would  be  injustice  to 
those  States  which  have  nuiintained  their  credit  at  the 
liighest  point.  Tak«!  for  instance  our  own  State.  It  may 
be  truly  remarked  without  disparagement  to  other  States, 
that  the  debt  of  (Georgia  is  less  in  proportion  to  her 
rcsources,  than  that  of  any  (tther  Stat(!  in  the  Coidederacy. 
-or  indeed  any  other  upon  the  contincmt.  The  conscjiuence 
is  that  her  credit  is  worth  a  higher  premium  in  the  nuirket 
than  the  credi't  of  any  other  State  in  the    Confederacy. — 


13 

Her  people  are  therefore  entitled  to  the  benefits  of  her 
economy,  her  wise  management,  and  her  far  seeing  states- 
loanship.  If  she  and  the  other  States  now  indorse  the 
Confederate  debt,  her  credit  is  at  once  placed  upon  a  level 
with  Confederate  credit,  if  not  below  it,  and  very  nearly  or 
quite  upon  a  level  with  that  of  all  the  other  States.  The  result 
is,  that  the  people  of  the  other  States,  reap  the  benefits  of 
her  better  credit,  to  which  the  people  of  Georgia  are  alone 
entitled.  This  would  be  injustice  to  the  people  of  Geor- 
gia, and  to  her  creditors  who  have  invested  in  her  securi- 
ties and  are  entitled  to  the  benefits  of  her  superior  credit 
iti  the  market.  If  it  is  said,  her  people  should  make  sac- 
rifices for  the  common  cause  ;  I  reply,  that  no  State  has 
responded  more  promptly  to  every  call  made  by  Confede- 
rate authority  for  men,  money  or  other  assistance,  and  that 
she  is  ever  ready  to  comply  with  every  constitutional  obli- 
gation. 

Having  shown,  I  trust,  to  your  satisfaction,  that  the  pro- 
posed indorsement  would  place  the  interest  of  the  capital- 
ists of  the  country,  in  the  scale,  against  iiazarding  further 
appropriations  for  the  establishment  of  the  Confiederacy  ; 
tiiat  it  would  be  productive  of  injury  to  the  credit  of  the 
individual  States,  and  of  injustice  as  between  the  States 
themselves ;  I  now  proceed  to  inquire,  whether,  if  we 
waive  these  objections,  it  could  be  productive  of  the  per- 
manent benefits  to  Confederate  credit  claimed  by  its  ad- 
vocates. 

Before  proceeding,  however,  it  is  proj)er  that  I  remarks 
that  the  advocates  of  indorsement  are  not  agreed  amonjr 
themselves,  and  that  two  plans  are  proposed.  One  propo- 
sition contemplates  a  general  indorsement  of  the  whole 
debt  of  the  Confederacy,  by  the  several  States  ;  each  to  be 
liable  in  proportion  to  its  representative  weight  in  Con- 
gress. 

The  other,  which  may,  I  believe,  properly  be  designated 
the  South  Carolina  proposition,  proposes  tlie  indorsement 
of  $-500,000,000  of  the  bonds  hereafter  to  be  issued  by  the 
Confederacy  ;  each  State  indorsing  its  proportion  of  the 
bonds,  on  the  basis  of  its  relative  representative  weight  in 
Congress.  The  latter  proposition,  is  to  my  mind  the  less^ 
objectionable  of  the  two  ;  as  it  does  not  hold  out  the  temp- 
tation above  mentioned  to  capitalists,  to  whom  the  present 
debt  is  owing,  to  favor  the  reconstruction  of  the  old  Union, 
to  prevent  an  increase  of  debt  to  maintain  the  further  ex- 
istence of  the  Confederacy. 

The  advantages  claimed  for  both  propositions  are  I  be- 
lieve, substantially  the  same.  The  chief  of  which  is,  that 
the  proposed  indorsement  would  reassure  the  confidence  of 
capital,  in  Confederate  credit,  and  cause  its  investment  in 
the  bonds  of  the  Confederacy,  in  amounts  suflicient  tofuud 


14 

all  treasury  notes  issuod  m  redundancy  of  healthy  circula- 
tion ;  and  thus  reduce  the  circulation  to  an  amount  only 
neccsMiry  to  meet  the  lei,^itimate  commercial  demand  for 
currency. 

This  looks  well  on  j)Mi»er  :  and  might  work  well  in  prac- 
tice, it'  there  were  enouuh  surjdus  capital  in  the  Confedera- 
cy, to  convert  hundred  dollar  hills  into  interest  bearini: 
bonds,  and  lay  them  away  as  investment,  as  fast  as  all  the 
pap<;r  mills  in  the  country  can  mak«;  the  paper,  and  all  the 
engravers  can  print  upon  it  the  likeness  of  cirenlating  me- 
dium, and  an  army  ol"  CJovermnent  clerks  can  sign  these 
promises  to  pav.  l'»ut  here  lies  the  difliculty.  ^Vhatever 
maybe  the  coiilidence  of  capitalists  in  these  securities,  the 
country,  devastated  as  ir  is  by  a  destructive  war,  cannot 
yield  sm}>lus  ca])'.tal  for  permanent  investment,  as  fast  as 
hundred  dollar  bilN,  or  thousand  dollar  bonds,  can  be  man- 
ufactured. 

Trior  to  thecoinmencement  of  the  war,  the  surplus  cap- 
ital of  the  South  was  invested  in  State  Bonds,  Bank  Stock, 
Railroad  Stock,  Bond-  of  Corporations  &c.  Since  that 
time,  most  of  the  surplus  has  been  invested  in  (.'onfederate 
bonds;  and  our  people  have  not  now,  probably  the  half  of 
live  hundred  millions  of  dollars  that  they  can  spare,  to  in- 
vest in  any  securities,  however  desirable.  This  measure 
might  atlbrd  partial  and  temporary  relief,  by  inducing  some 
capital  not  now  employed,  10  seek  investment  in  these  bonds. 
But  if  the  wargoes  on,;Mi(!  the  <  lovernment  is  under  the  neces- 
sity of  issuing  two  or  three  millions  of  dollars  a  day,  of  its 
notes,  for  the  next  one,  two,  or  three  years,  it  must  be  ad- 
mitted, tliat  we  have  not  the  capital  to  absorb  them  as  fast 
as  issued;  and  the  indorsement  could  only  causfe  a  tempora- 
ry suspension  id'  tlni  deprei-iation  which  must  follow  our 
over  issues  ;  lor  the  ultimate  piiyment  of  which,  no  adequate 
provision  is  being  made. 

The  advocates  of  this  plan  al«o  contend,  that  the  Gov- 
ernment could  fund  the  debt  at  hoilie,  ai  a  heavy  premium, 
in  lis  favor,  after  I'.jo  imlorsi'ment,  basing  the  calculation 
nponthe  fact,  that  State  credit  is  now  worth  a  large  premi- 
um, whi;n  compared  v/ith  Ctuifederate. 

To  show  the  fallacy  of  this  conclusion,  it  is  oidy  necessa- 
ry to  iiKpiire,  whv  the  bonds  of  the  individual  States  com- 
inand  this  premium.  The  debts  of  most  of  the  States,  are 
now  small,  compan-d  with  their  resources,  and  their  ability 
to  pay  ;  and  capitalists  naturally  conclude,  that  in  case  of 
failure  of  the  (Jonfedcracy,  or  ultimate  repudiation  by  it, 
the  States  would  p:iy  tli<ir  individual  indebtedness,  resting 
upon  both,  legal  and  moral  obligation,  in  preferent^e  to  their 
indirect  indeb'tedness  resting  upon  moral  obligation,  with 
no  further  legal  obligation  than  that  their  people  submit 
to  such  taxation  as  may  be  imposed  by  Congress  to  r.iise  the 


money  to  pay  the  debt.  Georgia's  seven  per  cent  bonds 
are  said  to  be  worth  40  per  cent  premium,  in  currency,  in 
the  market.  Why  ?  Because  her  resources  are  great,  and 
]ier  debt  small.  Increase  her  indebtedness  to  one  hundred 
millions,  and  her  bonds  will  cease  to  command  a  premium. 
If  we  adopt  either  of  the  proposed  plans,  her  debt  may 
soon  exceed  this  sum.  When  the  States  have  committed 
themselves  to  the  policy,  and  have  indorsed  the  present  Con- 
federate debt,  or  have  indorsed  S-300,000,000,  they  must 
extend  their  indorsements  as  future  exigencies  may,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  (7  0vernment  require,  until  they  have  indors- 
ed all  future  i.ssues  to  be  made  by  the  Government.  The 
advocates  of  the  |)lan  will  have  much  stronger  reasons  for 
claiming  the  extension,  when  the  States  are  once  committed 
to  the  pojicy,  than"  they  now  have  for  claiming  the  first  in- 
dorsement. It  is  like  a  whirlpool,  from  which,  when  the 
States  have  once  placed  thenjselves  within  its  power,  there 
is  no  return.  Wlien  the  amount  indorsed  becomes,  as  it 
soon  must,  an  enormous  suni,  the  effect  of  the  indorse- 
ment will  be,  to  bring  down  State  credit,  even  below  Con- 
federate credit,  and  not  to  bring  up  Confederate  credit  to 
the  present  level  of  State  credit. 

It  is  again  said,  that  the  proposed  State  indorsement 
would  enable  the  Government  to  negotiate  its  bonds  abroad, 
at  a  premium,  and  that  there  is  a  sufficiency  of  foreign  capr 
ital,  to  absorb  all  our  issues.  The  sufficiency  of  capital 
in  that  case  is  admitted;  but  the  inquiry  is,  would  the  in- 
dorsement induce  its  investment  in  these  bonds,  at  a  pre- 
mium, or  at  par,  or  even  near  to  par  ? 

We  are  engaged  in  a  gigantic  war.  Our  ports  are  block- 
aded. The  great  powers  of  Europe  refuse,  even  to  recognize 
us  as  a  Government.  Our  expenditures  are  enormous, 
which  cause  our  debt  to  accumulate  rapidly,  and  we  are 
not  collecting  taxes  sufficient  to  pay  interest ;  much  less  to 
create  a  sinking  fund  for  the  ultimate  extinguishment  of 
the  principal.  In  this  state  of  things,  foreign  capitalists 
refuse  td  invest  in  Confederate  securities,  and  the  credit  of 
the  individual  States  is  far  below  par  in  foreign  markets. 
How  then  is  it  to  be  reasonably  expected,  that  the  indorse- 
ment of  the  Confederate  bonds  by  the  States,  will  give 
them  a  value  in  foreign  markets,  which  is  attached  to  neither 
the  credit  of  the  Confederacy,  nor  of  the  individual  States? 
While  the  war  and  the  blockade  last,  and  while  we  refuse 
to  submit  to  taxation  sufiicient  to  retire  a  reasonable  pro- 
portion of  our  paper  issues,  it  is  vain  to  expect  that  we  can 
fund  the  debt  abroad,  without  the  most  ruinous  sacrifice,  no 
matter  how  often  the  paper  is  indorsed  by  the  parties  now 
morally  bound  for  its  payment. 

But  it  may  be  said,  if  the  States  are  now  morally  bound 
for  the  payment  of  the  debt,  and  their  people  are  legally 


IG 
bouud  to 


to  submit  to  the  necessary  tax  for  that  purpose,  when 
impCMJed  by  the  Coiitedeiute  Goveruineiit,  why  not  indorse 
the  bonds,  and  let  the  States  take  upon  themselves  the  di- 
rect U'gal  oblig;ition  to  j>ay.  To  my  mind,  there  are  verv 
obvious  reasons  why  it  should  not  be  done. 

While  the  Constitutional  obligation  rests  upon  the  peo- 
ple of  the  States,  to  submit  to  the  taxation  imposed  67 
Congrtss,  to  pay  the  debts  of  the  Confederacy,  tlie  Consti- 
tution imposes  upon  Congress,  which  is  the  power  that  cre- 
ates th:;  liability,  the  sole  ri'sponsibility  of  (le\ising  the 
means,  and  a.>s"ssing  the  taxes,  m-cessary  to  discharu;e  tlio 
obligation.  This  is  as  it  shoiild  be.  The  power  in  the  Gov- 
ernment that  creates  the 'debt,  should  have  resting  upon  it. 
the  sole  responsibility  of  providing  the  means  for  its  pay- 
ment, and  of  imposing  the  taxes  tor  t;iat  purpose  which 
may  be  iKxessary.  The  peo[)h'  then  know  hovv^  to  hold 
their  agents  to  a  proper  accountability. 

Suppose,  however,  the  States  indorse  the  debt,  aoJ 
pledge  their  individual  faith  r*.?  Sfafrs,  for  its  payment  at  ma- 
turity; and  Congrrss.  afraid  of  its  po})ulurity,  doe-s  not 
wish  to  take  the  resj)onsibiIity  to  assess  the  tax,  to  meet  it. 
What  follows?  Tiie  States  to  maintain  their  individual 
credit,  niust  themselves  assess,  and  collect  the  taXi  and 
make  the  payment.  Congressmen  linding  that  tliey  could 
in  this  wav  avoid  an  unpleasant:  responsibility,  and  retain 
their  places  with,  le.ss  dilHcuity,  would,  after  having  contrac- 
ted the  debt,  when  pay  day  came,  turn  over  the  responsi- 
i)ility  to  tilt.'  legislatures  of  the  States.  Thus  we  should  have 
one  Government  to  spend  the  money,  and  another  charge- 
able with  the  responsibility  oi'  raising  it.  Congress  would 
then  occupy,  very  much  the  position  of  the  rich  man's  prod- 
igal sou  at  college,  who,  having  no  responsibility  about 
footing  the  bill  at  the  end  of  the  year,  feels  very  little  con- 
cern about  the  siz(!  to  which  it  accumulates. 

Again,  sad  experience  has  shown  uni,  that  the  tendency 
of  our  GoverumiMit,  is  to  consolidation,  and  that  -the  cen- 
tral Government  is  ever  ready  to  usurp  as  much  uiidulega- 
ted  power,  as  the  States  will  consent  to  lose.  As  the  cen- 
tral Guvcinment  grows  stronger,  the  States  grow  weaker, 
and  their  jiist  rights  arc  disicgarded.  Now.  I  can  imagine 
no  one  act  of  tiie  St.ak*s,  that  will  tend  so  much  to  strengthen 
the  central  Government,  at  the  expense,  to  them,  of  the 
loss  of  their  just  powers,  as  the  adoption  of  the  policy  now 
proposal,  which  l)inds  them  individually,  to  provide  ibr  the 
payment  of  all  the  dijbls  which  Congress  may  choose  to 
contract,  but  may  not  be  willing  to  impose  the  taxes  to  pay. 
The  consummation  of  the  })olicy  is  the  complete  consolida- 
tion of  tlie  Government,  making  the  States  the  mere  bur- 
den bearers  of  the  central  superior. 

I  may  be  met  here,  with  the  remark  often  made,  that  it 


17 

is  no  time  now  to  defend  the  rights  of  States,  or  to  maintain 
principles.  State  Rights,  and  Constitutional  principles  are 
the  s«me  in  times  of  war  as  in  times  of  peace  ;  and  should 
be  mairituiued  at  all  times,  and  under  all  circinnstances. 
Power  once  usurped,  with  acquiescence,  is  never  relaxed  but 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet;  and  we  should  not  forget,  that 
rights  8uri"endcred  in  war,  are  never  regained  in  peace.  We 
should  therefore  do  no  act  tending  to  destroy  the  States  in 
one  grand  consolidation,  and  lay  the  fouudation  of  a  central 
despotisH)  upQii*t!ieir  ruins. 

Having  given  some  of  the  reasons  whieh  satisfy  my 
mind,  that  the  hopes  entertained  (>y  tin;  advocates  of  State 
indorsement,  that  the  adoption  of  their  policy  would  retire 
the  excess  of  the  curreuc}',  and  reduce  it  to  a  healthy  con- 
(lition.  are  entirely  delusive,  I  may  bt.'  asked  if  there  is  no 
remedy  for  the  evil.  My  opinion  is,  tiuit  so  long  as  the  war 
is  carried  on  in  its  present  magnitude,  recpiiring  the  amount 
of  daily  expenditure  now  njade,  and  tlie  demand  for  all 
the  necessaries  ot  .life  exeeeds  tlui  supply  as  far  as  it  now 
does,  there  is  no  complett;  remedy  for  the  present  evils,  of 
high  prices  and  redundant  paper  cnrrency.  Tljere  is  one 
remed}'',  and  only  one,  which  can  mitigate  the  evil,  inspire 
confidcn<'o  in  the  stability  of  the  Cvovernment.  and  the  ul- 
timate payment  of  the  deht,  and  induce  the  itivestment  of 
surplus  capital  of  the  people  of  other  (lovenunents,  as 
well  as  our  own,  in  Confederate  bonds.  That  remedy  is 
taxation  by  Congress,  sufficient  to  pay  the  interest  upon  the 
whole  debt,  in  gold  or  its  ecpjivalcut,  and  to  create  an 
annual  sinking  fund,  suflicient  to  extinguish  the  debt  with- 
in some  reasonahh:^  lime.  Convince  ca[)ltaiists  everywjiere, 
that  this  is  the  settled  policy  of  the  govertmicnt,  and  that 
our  people  are  ready  to  submit' to  it,  and  make  all  the  sac- 
rifices necessary  to  carry  it  out,  and  Confederate  securities 
will  be  soDirht  after  in  the  market,  and  most  of  our  excess 
of  circulation  funded,  without  the  ([uestion  being  once 
asked,  witether  State  indorsements  have  been  written  upon 
the  bonds. 

In  place  of  the  indorsement  o!  the  bonds  of  the  Confede- 
racy by  the  Swites,  I  thercifore  recorrnncnd  as  our  response 
to  be  made  to  the  propositions  of  our  sister  States,  and  as 
the  Georjiia  policy  in  which  their  cooperation  is  respectfully 
.•iskcd,  the  passage  of  a  joint  resolution  by  the  General 
Assembly,  urging  the  Congress  of  the  Confederate  States, 
in  view  of  tlu;  full  magnitude  of  the  crisis,  to  come  up  with 
nerve  au'l  lirmiu'ss,  to  th(3  disciiargi*  of  its  dut)%  by  the  as- 
sessment of  a  tax  ad(upKit(?  to  the  purposes  ubove  mention- 
ed ;  and  pledging  the  people  of  Georgia,  to  a  prompt  and 
cheerful  payment  of  their  proportion  of  it.  If  this  be  done, 
I  have  no  misjTivini's  about  the  result.  The  c^ood  common 
practical  sense  of  the  people,  which  is  seldom  properly  ap- 
preciated by  politicians,  has  already    grasped  the  question^ 


l.)Ut. 


The  people  understand  it.  Every  practical,  business  man 
knows,  that  paper  promises,  witli  puptn*  intl<M>enients,  can 
never  Mistain  our  creilit,  as  lonsf  a«  we  aj>j)ri>priate,  and 
tlraw  liun<lre(],s  ef  niiliions  el'  dollars  animallv,  IVom  the 
rreysur}',  and  return  nothing  to  it.  No  nmtt'cr  how  many 
expedients  we  may  try,  we  shall  be  eonstantly  driven  back 
to  the  sami'  point.  Government' has  hiit  one  way  of  raising: 
money  to  reduce  its  intiebtedncss,  and  that  is  by  taxation, 
direct  or  indirect.  And  us  our  ports  arc  blockaded,  j»o  that 
we  c;i:;:i(ii  ':;;;  :e  money  by  indirect  taxation  upon  imports, 
wj  is.  'ternativo  left   but   direct  taxation.     Ah  loni; 

as  wr  ;.ii'.  ,.^M  to  conduct- tpis  war,  and  maintain  ourarmics 
u[)on  paper  j)ior.!ises  alone,  we  nujst  expect  to  endure  all 
the  evils  of  depreciated  credit,  inflated  currency,  and  high 
iir;'':'s. 

opeau  (  i]y  convinc 

:a:,i  (ieed.s  ef  r'.-.v  rii^iit.-,  niiu  v»  v'    can    nevev  lj.-  ci*;],^;! 
us  lon^' as  W(»  can   keep. and    maintain  these    ar'uie^  ; 
they  very  \v;'i!  u!ii^'!-.'^tan<l,    lliat  t]r.>  fmancial  .  • 
<lerlic.  .  :    :'  '■   .I'  ;'(;::;iM;''i;;!i    upon  wliic';  i'l.'  ■•■A ' 

ture  '  'ijL'V  ha  • 

lord  1 1!.-..   .1:1   iMi'.i'    (  v:,i!.'.:i\'.  that  this    :.■■    waa  ., 
foundation.   '  Whenever  we  have  convinced   the!'.'. 
are  prepared  to  make  the  s^jerificcis  necessary  1 
safe  and  perm;i:.'.'i  '  'uiancial  system,  we  may 
recognition  a-  Till  we  have  done  thi  :no; 

reasonably  «'X|;.t'  -H  iier. 

Again,  v.-e    hvse   ahnast  nothing   by   submi 
t^axation  to  pay  t'lr   intiMv.s!:,  lind 'croiu!-  a'tsijwv- 

ing  fiind  .,^...  mi-  ■  h'.I  ■.  ;  ,.  ^^'Il;•l;l'^■•'^  ;!.!■  ■yu\u\i  . 
thi!    settled    poll' 

is  very  nearly  .sii.ip;'.'!.  ;•'•  '  >  ••'  ;  JUT.M/y  mi,.,  m  cuv  •:::%■.■ 
is  worth  ji.I;i:o.>l  or  (juiio  a>  muqh,  as  all  vve.had,  Wii.- 
worth  before  we  paid   the   tax.     'Jlo  illustrate :     The.  me- 

chaUH^  ll.'lH    c>':i'    li  I  '.dr.'.d    ('oll;i!s    <>i'  (''iin!'.'  ii  ;•;: '  •    '!''r«.^''4UrV 

notes.     He  v  '  and  he 

lind:?  it  will  i;i  a;-  1  .i-  w:\r..r  :.\\.a  co  p,;y  n,;-  1  i.:  .  ^"'     cttr- 

rency  is  still  dcprccinling,  and  at  the  Ond  «f  t'  iiree 

months  it  inay  tuke  onu  lumdred  and  twei  Ilai's  to 

make  the  purchai>c.     At  this  point,  supb  ..     Govern- 

ment assesses  aJtax  of  live  pur  cent,  to  establish  the  policy 
above  indicated,  and  he  is  required  to  pay  live  dollar^  of 
his  hundreil  to  the  Collector,  The  effect  of  this  is  to  ab- 
sorb that  much  of  the  over  issue,  a:id  to  give  contidenccin 
the  ultimate  redemption  of  the.  whole.  This  will  at  once 
stop  the  decline  in  the  Aalue  of  the  notes,  and  may  cause 
them  to  appreciate.  The  consequejice  will  be,  that  he  can 
probably  j)ui-chase  the  same  property  with  the  ninety-five 
<lollars  winch  remain  in  his  hands  after  the  paynient  of  the 
iRx.     In  a   vv'ord.  by  paying   back  part  of  the   redundant 


19 

furnnry  iuto  ilie  Trrn>!uiy,  wosfop  tlir  (Ippivcintion  of  its 
viiiuo,  ami  lo:r»  e  tlio  l>;;!;uico  in  ciMiihiiii))!,  woitii  ns  nnicli 
ill  ilio  piJicliaso  01  ]>ro|)i'rTy  ns  t.iie  whoK;  \v;is  worth  before 
the  tax  \vij.s  y^iiiO.  I'nr  .-iijijsose  tlie  t;i\  to  be  buruensonie, 
iiiid  to  libsojh  a.  laitie  ynoiioi ticji  of  our  surpius  incon:!o. 
Is  this  a  reason  why  \t  should  uot  be  collocted  '/  Wo  musr 
submit  to  burdens,  and  make  Iseavy  sariiliccs  to  su;<tain  the 
iroveniMjejit,  maintain  our. credit,  nnd  support  our  armies  : 
or  all  we  possess  i«txst  ^o  down,  togt^ther  in  a  cra^h,  ami 
involve  us  and  our  posterity  in  oneeomir.on  ruin. 

Before  (.losincifiny  remarks  upon  this  subject,  I  beg  leavo 
to  express  iriy  tirin  eonvietion,  that  the  policy  awvoeated  by 
some  ot'  assuming  the  (Jonfed(»r«ite  tax,  when  asN-essed,  tmd 
adding  it  ro  thodebt  of  tiie  State,  instead  -of  collecting  ir, 
has  already  been  carried  as  far  as  wise  statesjmaut'.kip  or  the 
exigencies  of  the  times  will  permit.  •  Ifcris  si^rply  shiftinj,!: 
the  burden  fjom  ot»6' fehouldev  to  the  other.  Or,  in  other 
v.'orlls,  it  is  ,';n  attempt,  in  another  fonn^  to  conduct  the 
war  upon  paper,  witlu)ut  its  costing  us  anything.  We  have 
no  right  to  turn  overall  the  burdens'of  the  present  gener- 
ation to  posterity.  This  would  be  as  contrary  to  justice 
and  sound  principles  as  it.  would  be  for  Congress  to  contract 
tl'.e  debt  and  !urn  over  to  the  State  governments  the  rc- 
s[>onsibili(y  of  providing  the  means  for  its  payment. 

The  policy  is  exceedingly  mnvise  in  this  also,  that  itcar.- 
ses  the  State  to  b|^rrow  the  present  curi'ency  at  par,  to  be 
ptiid  back,  years  Jience,  with*  interest,  in  gold.  W^iat  prii- 
♦lent  man  would  do  this,  in  the  management  of  his  own  af- 
fairs /  Suppose  one  plunter  owes  another  ten  thousand  dol- 
lars, would  iie  sell  property  now  at  the  present  high  prices 
in  cnrrencsy  and, pay  the  debt,  or  would  he  hold  on  to  his 
property,  and  pay  interest  upon  tlie  debt 'till  the  w>ar  is 
over,  and  the  price  of  ev^rythiilg  is  again  estimated  upon 
the  gold  [lasis,  and  then  sell  five  times  Jis  mucli  praperty  to 
pay  the  sa;;:e  debt  y  If  he  adopted  the  latter  alternative, 
we  would  sciy,  he  needed  a  guardian.  If  we  agree  tliat 
this  policy  would  be  unwise,  in  individuals,  we  must  not 
Ibrget,  that  the  State  is  but  an  association  of  individuals. 
AVhen  upyn  a  question  ot  this  character,  we  have  ascertain- 
ed what  v.'ould  be  the  interest  of  a  prudent  individual,  or 
a  small  iiuuiber  ot  individuals,  we  have  only  to  enlarge  the 
circle,  and  we  have  the  interest  of  the  State.  This  is  a 
rule  by  which  I  hare  been  guided  in  the  ma*nagement  of  the 
linances  ot  the  State,  and  1  believe  it  to  be  the  onlv  trur' 
and  successful  one. 

Our  people  can  now  pay  live  millions  of  dollars  in  tlie 
}>resent  curreucy  easier  than  they  can  [lay  one  nullion  in 
i:old,  in  what  are  usually  called  hard  times,  when  property 
is  low  and  nioney  scarce.  It  may  be  said,  why  not  keep 
OMY  property  and  leave  this  matter  to  posterity  ?     Who  are 


2C 

to  be  posterity  '.  Our  childreu.  Fur  wlioiu  arc  wc  labor- 
ing? Our  cliiMrcn.  If,  then,  our  proj>erty  is  expected  to 
tloscotul  to  our  cliildron,  wliy  ncciimulato  a  debt  to  banc 
ovLM'  it  and  diiscoud  wilhit,  l>y  borrowiiii:  inrtjifV  atth«'rat«' 
of  twenty  rents  lor  a  didlur,  to  be  p.iid  h;\('V  by  theto  cut 
of  otir  pro[»crry  in  goKI,  dollar  fornull.ir,  wii'i  intcicsi.  i 
trust  tliis  policy  will  lind  very  few  advocAtt's. 

It  is  inlinitidy  bettor  for  us  to  submit  to  all  tin.-  i:i.\iiii«»i,. 
and  niuk^'  all  the  sacrilices  necessary  to  Mjaint^i.j  our  Gov- 
rrumeni  and  sustain  our  cu'diti.  tli.iii  to  permit  the'  enemy 
10  overturn  our  Uovernmeut,  pluruler  <mr  homes,  insult  our 
iwives  and  our  duu^^hters,  couti»'cate  <»ur  jiroperty,  and  en- 
slave ourselves  and  our  posterity.  We  cauiioL  avoid  th  ■ 
one  altenutive  or  the  other.  Humbly  iuiplorin,!,'  a  coutin- 
;iution  of  Divine  favor,  Ict^  uk  resolve  to  stand  in  our  allotted 
places,  make  all  the  sacrifices  necessary,  arul  place  our  en- 
tire trust  in  tlic  God  of  Israel,  who  is  "a  very  j>resent  help 
in  trouble,"  and  all  will  vet  be  well. 

JGSKPil   i:.  nitoWN, 


Hollinger 

pH8.5 

Mill  Run  F3-1955 


